Now the proud owner of more significant gas and oil reserves, Israel should not shy away from restricting the trade of its valuable resources to countries that are challenging its sovereignty.

For many it has long been a given, for others a progressive journey of discovery and others still a startling and sudden realization. Whatever the path, more and more are reaching the conclusion that it is simply impossible for Israel to come to an amicable agreement with the Palestinian Arabs.

Political leaders are still hopeful, but not really. Of course many of the said politicians take positions based on interests, allegiances and agendas, but rarely based on frank truths and apparent realities. The Palestinian Arabs are fully aware of this and as a consequence have taken steps to capitalize on the popularity of their agenda around the world and are moving to unilaterally declare a state in the near future.

The implications for Israel are simple, if the vote is passed by the automatic anti-Israel majority, according to international law, Israel would be occupying land belonging to a fellow United Nations member. Although there is little that could be done to enforce the decision, its effects in terms of isolating Israel internationally would be far reaching. As Ehud Barak, Israel’s defense minister, said at a conference in Tel Aviv last month, “We are facing a diplomatic-political tsunami that the majority of the public is unaware of and that will peak in September.”

Efforts to preempt this shrewd diplomatic maneuver by hastily ceding land voluntarily to Palestinian Arabs are being considered by Israeli leaders and plans are now being drawn up. Trapped in a diplomatic vice Israel may be bullied into making yet another strategically disastrous decision.

So here are a few ideas for a new strategy based on the principles of political self-interest that are likely to be more effective in ensuring that these maniacal Palestinian Arab aspirations don’t come to fruition.

1.       It is important that talks of Israeli annexation of Judea and Samaria feature prominently in Israeli diplomatic conversation in the coming months. It is crucial that the world is made aware that the Jewish people have a strong historic claim to this land and a large segment of the Israeli populace would like to formalize this.

2.       Just us the Palestinian Arab efforts are in conjunction with international support, efforts for Israel should be structured similarly. American supporters of Israel and their leaders must send a clear message to their elected leaders and the White House that if this initiative is allowed to go through; they will actively campaign against their reelection.

3.       It is clearly not in the interests of the international community to allow for the creation of this State, as it will likely serve as an additional destabilizing force in the Middle East. Additionally it will be highly susceptible to an aggressive Hamas takeover if not a formal partnership that will serve as another Iranian base for regional control and influence. An Israeli diplomatic effort that focuses on the detrimental effect to world stability would be tantamount.

4.       As a country that stands at the forefront of military and technological innovation, and now the proud owner of more significant gas and oil reserves, Israel should not shy away from restricting the trade of its valuable resources to countries that are challenging its sovereignty.

Whilst Americans are overwhelmingly supportive of Israel in general, for others around the globe the appeal to self interest in motivating diplomatic support for Israel may be more crucial than ever. As Israel faces yet another critical hurdle, a comprehensive offensive strategy will act as a compelling response to the Palestinian Arab initiative for wavering nations.

As outlined, this program should incorporate both carrots and sticks, nor hesitate to use all and every strategic and diplomatic asset at Israel’s disposal. After all, the best form of defense is offense.

The Author is the director of the Algemeiner Journal and the GJCF and can be e-mailed at defune@gjcf.com.